Amir's Biography زندگی نامه امیرعباس فخرآور

I was born on July 6, 1975, in Tehran, the capital of Iran, as the second of seven children to my parents, Parvaneh Pir-Dehghan and my father, Mohammad-Bagher Fakhravar. My father secured his position in the Iranian Air Force through my grandfather, Abedin Fakhravar, who had a significant encounter with his cousin, King Mohammad-Reza Pahlavi. My grandfather, a nephew of the great King Reza Pahlavi,8 ensured our family had connections with royalty, but we were by no means wealthy, just an average middle-class family in Iran during the 1970s. I was only three years old when the so-called Islamic Revolution occurred, and although I can still recollect how everything changed, it's evident that at that tender age, I couldn't fully comprehend the tumultuous events unfolding in our country. One of my earliest memories, and perhaps one of the most bewildering, thrilling, and ultimately melancholic moments of my life, especially in hindsight, was witnessing the destruction of Western-style toilets. The ideological fervor of the revolution had gripped everyone, including opportunists seeking shortcuts to power.I was playing in front of our house, situated on a military base in Tabriz, in the northwest of Iran. Alongside my sisters and our friends, we suddenly heard someone loudly chanting "Allah-o-Akbar" before a heavy toilet was unceremoniously dropped from the roof of our building, landing just a few feet away from where we were playing. It was part of the Islamist-Marxist revolution's campaign against Western influences. These buildings had been designed by Americans for the families of the Iranian Air Force personnel. However, after the so-called Islamic Revolution, there was a concerted effort to erase all traces of American and Western presence in Iran, including replacing Western-style toilets with the more traditional Islamic ones, which were, to be honest, not as user-friendly. I captured this memory within the walls of Evin prison in the year 2000, during one of my nineteen arrests stemming from my student and political activities. This poignant recollection eventually found its home in my collection of short stories, aptly titled “Still, the Scraps of Prison.”9Shortly after the establishment of the Islamic Republic, the clerics decided to emulate Mao's Cultural Revolution in China by initiating their version of a "Cultural Revolution" in Iran.10 They shuttered all schools and universities for a period of four years from 1980 to 1984, burning all textbooks and replacing them with materials rooted in Islamic and socialist ideologies. These new textbooks were vehemently anti-American, anti-Israel, and anti-Western democracy. Thousands of professors were dismissed, arrested, killed, or forced into exile, along with hundreds of thousands of students. The new regime aimed to quash any resistance within universities against their efforts to turn Iran back 1,400 years to the time of Islam's emergence. It was effective, and for at least a decade, the Iranian student movement remained dormant until 1994 when my generation entered university.My first encounter with the Iranian government's political crackdown came as a complete surprise, even to me. At the tender age of seventeen, I was a Mathematics and Physics student at our high school in Shiraz. As the elected representative of our school, I delivered a speech in which I questioned why the government wasn't harnessing the ideas of the new generation to address the country's problems. Little did I know that this seemingly innocent inquiry would be viewed as a direct challenge to the political leadership. My speech, which merely expressed the desire for constructive change, was perceived as an insult to back then president Hashemi-Rafsanjani, whose words were all over the news complaining about the problems they were facing. This marked the beginning of my tumultuous journey, which lasted fourteen years as I relentlessly fought for freedom and democracy within Iran before ultimately escaping into exile.In the fall of 1994, I was enrolled in medical school in Orumiyeh when my political activism and speeches caught the attention of the intelligence ministry of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This led to my arrest inside the university, during which I was handcuffed, blindfolded, and subjected to severe torture during months of solitary confinement. I was subsequently tried in the Islamic Revolutionary Court, branch four in West-Azerbaijan province, and charged with criticizing the Supreme Leader. Initially sentenced to three years in prison, this punishment was later commuted to a two-semester suspension from medical school, followed by exile to the southern part of the country, Bushehr Medical School.Throughout my years as a student activist, I faced multiple arrests, imprisonments, and solitary confinements. However, the root of the problem remained shrouded in confusion for us in the student movement. In 1997, my first book, titled The Greenest Eye on Earth, was published.11 It coincided with the emergence of the reform movement in Iran, which prompted me to delve into journalism alongside my student activities. I contributed numerous articles to major newspapers within the country and maintained a regular column titled "Who should know better than the people?"12 Nevertheless, the core issue plaguing the political system continued to elude me, as well as countless others in the country.

1. The Student Uprising, July 9, 1999

It was only two years after the election of reformist President Mohammad Khatami that we, as student activists, began to recognize the true problem in the complex landscape of Iranian politics, the Constitution. This realization culminated in our historic participation in the July 9, 1999, student-led protests aimed at challenging the political power framework established by the Islamic Republic's constitution.Following these events, I authored my second book, a novel titled This Place is not the Ditch, that was nominated for the Paulo Coelho Prize.13 The story depicted a nation ensnared by a fanatical ideology, descending into darkness and despair until a young, love-struck girl discovered a path to freedom. News of my book's nomination for the Paulo Coelho Prize garnered significant attention, but it also had unintended consequences. It led to my arrest by the Ministry of Intelligence once more. Simultaneously, Dr. Arash Hejaji, the head of Karavan Publishing responsible for the literary award, found himself facing interrogation as well. Under duress, he was coerced into removing my book from the award's shortlist. Meanwhile, I languished in Evin Prison, completely unaware of these developments. A decade later, Dr. Arash Hejazi's name would once again make headlines, but under vastly different circumstances. His heroic act during the Green Movement involved him being at Neda's side as she lay bleeding from a direct gunshot wound to her heart,14 a moment we will discuss shortly.After enduring eight months of torture and solitary confinement, during which many bones in my body were broken, including both wrists, at the hands of both major intelligence services in Iran, the Ministry of Intelligence and the Intelligence branch of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), I was charged and sentenced to eight years in prison by the Islamic Revolutionary Court, specifically by branch twenty-six, headed by Hassan Zare-Dehnavi, the infamous and ruthless judge also known as Haddad. When he handed me this charge in his courtroom, he subjected me to torture and brutally injured my left knee in front of my father's eyes, as he was held back by the guards. After that, Haddad sent me to Maximum Security Prison, where I was placed as a political prisoner in Exile, transferred from Evin Prison to Qasr Prison. There, I spent fourteen months among some of the most dangerous criminals in Iranian prisons. Amnesty International,15 Human Rights Watch,16 the United States Department of State,17 and numerous other prominent international human rights organizations have all issued multiple statements in support of my cause.The first time my name appeared on an official United States Government document as a "Student Leader" was in April 2004. At that time, I was being transferred from Qasr prison to the solitary confinement in IRGC's Section 325 at Evin Prison in Iran. While I was enduring torture and unaware of events taking place across the Atlantic Ocean in Washington, D.C., powerful policymakers within the White House, the State Department, the Pentagon, and the United States Congress were closely monitoring our student movement as a beacon of hope for dismantling Iran's ideological dictatorship. The Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor at the State Department published a bulletin titled "IRAN: Voices Struggling to be Heard," which quoted a "supporter of imprisoned student leader Amir Fakhravar" as saying, “Our dream country is one where human rights are respected, where people aren’t sent to prison and tortured for their ideas, for their writing, for their work. That’s our dream country.”18 This acknowledgment underscored the aspirations of our movement for a more just and democratic Iran.The United States Department of State bulletin on Iran, April 2004While in Evin Prison, I penned a letter19 that was brought to international attention by Prince Reza Pahlavi during a special press conference in February 2003.20 In this letter, I highlighted our quest for secularism, freedom, democracy, and a new constitution in Iran. It was the first time my voice reached beyond Iran's borders, thanks to the support of International PEN, which honored me on "the Day of Imprisoned Writer" in November 15, 2004.21 In that letter, we, the independent student movement of Iran, officially announced to the world our quest for freedom and democracy, firmly grounded in the intellectual discourse surrounding the constitutional rights of Iranians. We made it clear that our demands were not rooted in any particular ideology, but rather in the fundamental principles of individual rights and democratic governance. This marked the declaration of our second Constitutional Revolution, with a clear rejection of any official ideology or state religion. As a result of my advocacy and activism, I received honorary positions from PEN Canada, English PEN,22 and various other international organizations, further amplifying the voice of the Iranian people in their pursuit of freedom and democracy. My message resonated with those outside Iran's borders and was heard around the world. It was interesting that because of my writings, I was arrested, jailed, and tortured by the Islamic dictatorship of Iran and exactly for the same writings I was receiving several international awards and honorary recognitions in the free and democratic world.In Evin Prison, I continued intellectual discussions about constitutional law with other prominent political prisoners while pursuing law school through a non-attendance university program in Tehran. My closest friend, Arzhang Davoodi, who co-founded the National Iranian Congress with me, played a significant role in these dialogues. Arzhang has endured over two decades of imprisonment for his role as an opposition leader.In the fall of 2003, a documentary titled "Forbidden Iran" was made about our movement while I was serving my prison sentence.23 This documentary caught the attention of various high-ranking politicians in Washington D.C., including Richard Perle. Richard Perle has had a distinguished political career, beginning as a senior staff member to Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson on the Senate Armed Services Committee in the 1970s.24 He later served as the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Global Strategic Affairs under President Ronald Reagan and played a key advisory role to Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld in the Bush administration. He also chaired the Defense Policy Board Advisory Committee from 2001 to 2003, during the Bush Administration, and is known as one of the architects of the U.S.-Iraq War in 2003.امیرعباس فخرآور، سیاوش ایرانزمین، در پانزده تیرماه ۵۴ در تهران بدنیا آمد. مادرش پروانه پیردهقان، پدرش محمدباقر افسر نیروی هوایی ارتش و پدربزرگش عابدین فخرآور، خواهرزاده رضا شاه بود. امیر از کودکی به نویسندگی علاقمند شد. دوران مدرسه را در دبیرستان تیزهوشان ابن سینا تهران و تیزهوشان اندیشه شیراز سپری کرد. پس از دریافت دیپلم ریاضی-فیزیک به دانشگاه علوم پزشکی ارومیه رفت که بواسطه مبارزه علیه رژیم خامنه ای توصط وزارت اطلاعات در دانشکده پزشکی ارومیه بازداشت، شکنجه و به اتهام توهین به خامنه ای و مقدسات اسلام توسط قاضی حاج حسنلو در شعبه چهار دادگاه انقلاب ارومیه به سه سال زندان محکوم شد. برای ادامه تحصیل به دانشگاه علوم پزشکی بوشهر تبعید و در سال ۷۶ ادامه تحصیل وی در این رشته ممنوع شد. همان سال نخستین کتابش با عنوان سبزترین چشم زمین توسط انتشارات امیرکبیر منتشر شد. برای ادامه تحصیل دانشگاهی باید به خدمت اجباری سربازی می رفت. در هجده تیر ۷۸ امیر فخرآور از رهبران میدانی قیام دانشجویی کوی دانشگاه تهران بود. در فاصله سالهای ۱۶ تا ۳۰ سالکی اش نوزده بار توسط ارگانهای مختلف امنیتی و اطلاعاتی به اتهام مبارزه با رژیم ولایت فقیه و تشکیل گروه برای براندازی حکومت، بازداشت شد. سابقه زندان در زندان های عادل آباد شیراز، عقیدتی سیاسی پایگاه نیروی هوایی شیراز، حشمتیه تهران، زندان اطلاعات ارومیه، زندان قصر و زندان اوین به دفعات در چهارده سال مبارزه اش در درون ایران ثبت شده است. در سال ۷۹ در درون زندان اوین رمان اینجا چاه نیست را نوشت که کاندیدای دریافت جایزه ادبی پائولو کوئیلو از طرف انتشارات کاروان به مدیریت دکتر آرش حجازی شد. در پانزده نوامبر ۲۰۰۴ ، وقتی امیر فخرآور زیر شکنجه در زندان ۳۲۵ اطلاعات سپاه مستقر در زندان اوین بود، انجمن جهانی قلم روز جهانی نویسنده زندانی را به بررسی آثار وی اختصاص داد. انجمن قلم کانادا و انجمن قلم انگلستان هم در همان سال عضویت افتخاری به وی که همچنان در بند زندان اوین بود، اهدا کردند. اسناد سازمان عدالت ایران که به پرونده های قضایی رژیم دسترسی یافته بود، تمام توطئه ها علیه امیرعباس فخرآور خانواده اش را افشا کرد و سندی برای اثبات راست قامتی وی در راه دشوار آزادی شد. سازمان عفو بین الملل در سال ۲۰۰۴ زمانی که هنوز فخرآور در سلول انفرادی وزارت اطلاعات زیر شکنجه بود، وی را بعنوان نخستین شاهد شناخته شده از شکنجه سفید در زندان های ایران نام برد. بیست سال بعد نرگس محمدی در اقدامی غیر اخلاقی بدون نام بردن از امیر فخرآور، عنوان شکنجه سفید را روی کتاب خودش گذاشت و جایزه نوبل را برای مطرح کردن همین موضوع دریافت کرد.

The Chapter of My Life, The Constitutional Journey of Amir Fakhravar  (Chapter 9, The Spirit of the Constitutional Law)

Today is Saturday, October 7, 2023. I find myself composing these words from an FBI safe house, a haven provided to my family and me since yesterday. Hours ago, a sudden and devastating terror attack occurred. It involved a barrage of rockets and approximately 3,000 terrorist militants who hundreds of them were trained by IRGC in Iran weeks earlier, 1 breached the Gaza–Israel barrier. They brutally killed 1400 civilians, tortured kids, raped the young girls and burned them alive inside their houses in-front of their family members, and even in a music festival. Tragically, thousands of Israeli people suffered unimaginable horrors, including violence and captivity. An estimated 240 Israeli and foreign nationals have been taken as captives or hostages by these Islamic-Marxist terrorist organizations, Hamas and its allies, backed by both the Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia. As I watch the distressing news coverage across various media outlets, I am left in a state of shock.

It was just four days ago on October 3rd, that I received a phone call from the FBI team responsible for protecting my family and me from potential threats posed by the Islamic regime of Iran. They urged me to exercise extreme caution this weekend. Given the FBI's diligent monitoring of IRGC activity, they had discerned signs pointing to an impending act of terror orchestrated by the Iranian regime. Consequently, we were relocated to this secure safe house by the FBI yesterday.

This tragic turn of events underscores the brutal impact of ideological regimes on humanity and civilization. In these tumultuous times, it becomes ever more critical to advocate for peace, security, and the protection of human rights, and to collectively strive for a world free from the horrors of violence and extremism.

While I have long felt the need to write a textbook for the hundreds of students we have taught in face-to-face classes at the university, today, millions of my Iranian students are accessing my lessons online through social media. This book can also serve as a valuable guide for politicians seeking to understand the "silver bullet solution" that exists, as a matter of fact. Drawing parallels with General Douglas McArthur's postwar actions in Japan, as I mentioned in the first chapter, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has a unique opportunity to bring about a similar transformation in the Middle East. By advocating for the removal of official religious and ideological aspects from Middle East countries' constitutions, starting with Gaza, Netanyahu can offer the Palestinian people a gift similar to what McArthur provided to the Japanese people at the end of WWII—an Ideology-Free Constitution. I firmly believe that this message should extend beyond the borders of the Middle East and North Africa. It is a universal message that should resonate with people worldwide. We must all recognize the gravity of the situation and promptly reject all forms of ideological political systems in order to bring an end to the bloodshed that plagues our planet or, at the very least, significantly reduce it.

1. The Manifesto of the Second Constitutional Revolution

On May 17, 2022, during the fifth anniversary of the completion of our draft constitution, I had the honor of speaking at a UK parliamentary event hosted by Bob Blackman, a distinguished member of the UK House of Commons, and Dr. Alan Mendoza, the chairman of the Henry Jackson Society.2 The event, titled "Iran’s Russia Backed Regime at a Dead End: Introducing a Draft Constitution for Iran’s Future," was a platform where I predicted the emergence of a new wave of uprisings, characterized by chants focusing on constitutional rights rather than ideology. Four months later, on September 16, 2022, Mahsa Amini's tragic death at the hands of the Islamic Morality Police of the Islamic Republic of Iran, marked the beginning of a new phase in the constitutional revolution. This time, the resounding slogan that echoed across the globe was "Woman, Life, Freedom” a call for natural rights, such as “Equality, Life, and Liberty.”3 Millions of people flooded the streets of Iran, and Iranians in exile joined in solidarity worldwide. Notably, there were no ideological or religious chants during this uprising.

Forty days later, on October 26, 2022, I met Congressman McCaul, the chairman of the United States House Foreign Affairs Committee and former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. The meeting took place in Houston, Texas, at the residence of our mutual friend, Steve Payne, the president of Linden Strategies & Linden Energy.4 The level of security for this event was extraordinary due to credible concerns about the Iranian Islamic Regime's plan to retaliate for the killing of Qassem Soleimani by targeting individuals like Pompeo, Bolton, and myself, Amir Fakhravar. The U.S. Secret Service, responsible for protecting former Secretary Pompeo, and the FBI, responsible for my security, were highly vigilant during our gathering. Six days later, on November 6, 2022, publicly, on Twitter, I called for a meeting of Iranian opposition figures and celebrities, urging them to put aside their differences and establish what I termed as “the Constitutional Revolutionary Council.”5 The people loved the idea, however, it’s important to note that some ideological factions within the opposition attempted to co-opt this ideology-free revolution for their own gain, either to vie for the throne or exploit the sacrifices of our heroic youth for their own Marxist-Islamist agendas. Yet, the essence of this revolution remains clear and resolute: a rejection of state 

religion, a rejection of official ideology, and a rejection of absolutism.

Mike Pompeo, the Secretary of State of the President Trump Administration; Amir Fakhravar, the senate chairman of The National Iranian Congress; and Michael McCaul, the Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee—October 26, 2022

This time, the people on the streets were not just engaging in civil disobedience, they were actively fighting back. They had grown weary of religious tyranny and began a movement to burn Qurans and reject Islam, especially after the Supreme Leader ordered the execution of arrested protesters, justifying his actions with Islamic scripture. Consequently, protesters began targeting mosques, courts, judges, mullahs, and the IRGC, everything associated with the state religion became a focal point for the people's anger. The Islamic regime predictably arrested as many protesters as possible, with official reports suggesting that over 100,000 individuals were detained.6 After eight months of street battles, the regime appeared to regain control, but nothing was normal. Inside and outside the country, there was a palpable sense that this new revolution was poised to reshape Iran's history.

In December 2022, I was once again invited to a UK parliamentary event hosted by Lord Polak, titled "Iran’s 2022 Constitutional Revolution: Reclaiming a Better Future.”7 The National Iranian Congress urged the UK to support the second constitutional revolution of Iran and to follow the United States in designating the IRGC as a terrorist organization. Simultaneously, the IRGC was brutally suppressing the courageous young Iranian protesters on the streets, arresting and torturing hundreds of thousands of them.

Upon my return from London, I felt an urgent need to write “The Manifesto for the Second Constitutional Revolution in Iran,” as this was a critical gap in our movement. This book represents the culmination of twenty-five years of research, a decade of teaching comparative constitutional law, and a lifetime of experiencing both dictatorship and democratic systems. It is a special gift to my daughter with the hope that her future will be much clearer than our past in Iran. Moreover, it is a tribute to all the heroic young Iranians who sacrificed their lives for freedom and democracy under the oppressive rule of the religious dictatorship. I have honored some of these heroes at the beginning of my book.

1. A Legacy That Began before My Birth and Persisted throughout My Life

In the latter part of the twentieth century, specifically during the July 9, 1999, student uprising, I personally became deeply involved in the struggle for freedom and democracy in Iran as a student activist. Since then, I've found myself at the crossroads of significant events in our modern history numerous times over the last quarter century. From the student uprising to the U.S.-Iraq war, the Green Movement, the Iran Oil Sanctions, the revelation of the Russian-backed coup in 1979 (initially misconceived as a revolution), drafting the new constitution for future Iran, the 2017 uprising and the subsequent shake-up of the President Trump administration, the bloody events of November 2019 in Iran, the killing of Qassem Soleimani, and the movement sparked by Mahsa's name as the trigger point for the final phase of the second constitutional revolution in Iran, I've somehow found myself center stage in these pivotal historical moments. But to fully grasp my journey, we must go back to when I was just a three-year-old boy, a time when the Iranian monarchy was overthrown by a coup in 1979.

In 2006, I saw an opportunity to escape from prison while attending the final exams to complete my law degree. I managed to flee to Dubai on April 28, 2006, where I met Richard Perle in person. Our two-hour long in-person conversation was in front of a camera and recorded for his new documentary called “The Case For War” where he introduced me as “an extraordinary man” and a charismatic leader of the Iranian student movement.25 He assisted me in traveling to Washington, D.C. within a few days. He encouraged the Bush Administration to take heed of my insights regarding future plans for Iran and even authored an article in The Washington Post to bring this suggestion to the public's attention.26 I was fortunate to not only witness history but also be an active participant in it. I had a front-row seat to observe the critical events in the world while working alongside Richard Perle. I was witnessing firsthand how the State Department faced challenges during the nation-building efforts and the drafting of a new constitution for Afghanistan and Iraq following the successful military campaign to topple the Taliban and Saddam Hussein.

In June 2006, just a month after my arrival in Washington, D.C., The Washington Post recognized me as a leading figure in the Secular Democratic movement in Iran. The article stated: 

[EXT]Amir Abbas Fakhravar, 30, a former medical student, served time in Iran's notorious Evin prison after publishing an award-winning book, 'This Place Is Not a Ditch,' and launching a pro-regime-change student group. He has been championed recently by neocon thinker Richard Perle, who organized a private lunch for Fakhravar at the American Enterprise Institute last month, attended by Pentagon and State Department officials.27 [end EXT]

In July 2006, I had the privilege to testify before the Senate Homeland Security Committee, representing the Independent Student movement in Iran. During my testimony, I appealed to the free world for support in launching our revolution through the use of the internet and social media. I also emphasized the urgent need for stringent sanctions on Iran's oil industry, which was providing a lifeline to the oppressive regime of the Mullahs.28 In the years that followed, my organization, the National Iranian Congress, received invaluable support and advice from remarkable individuals like George William Heiser, the former Staff Director of the National Security Council during the Reagan administration. Together, we embarked on a tireless and effective advocacy campaign for “Iran Oil Sanctions.”29 We engaged with members of the United States Congress, the UK Parliament, the Parliament of Canada, the Parliament of Germany, the Parliament of Finland, the European Parliament, and the Knesset in Israel.

COMP: PHOTO AND CAPTION ADDED ON NOV 6.

Set caption, and set this CL:

Source: Sadaf Heidari

NEED TO BLUR THE FACE OF THE WOMAN BEHIND PRESIDENT BUSH AND THE 2-3 FACES BEHIND THE AUTHOR'S SHOULDER.

In June 2007, I received an invitation from Vaclav Havel, the former President of the Czech Republic, to attend the Security and Democracy Conference in Prague.30 I was honored to be a special guest at the presidential palace, alongside representatives from seventeen other nations. This invitation bore the signatures of Jose Maria Aznar, the former Prime Minister of Spain, and Natan Sharansky, an Israeli national hero. The conference was attended by President Bush and his entire cabinet, and during this historic event, we jointly signed the Prague Charter to establish the Global Defenders of Freedom. As I held the pen in my hand to sign the Charter, representing Iran in that momentous conference, I took a few seconds to reflect on the long and arduous journey. It had been a path filled with torture, solitary confinement, years of medical and law school, street battles with regime authorities, and the ardent pursuit of writing books and articles. Moreover, my family had endured numerous hardships as the regime attempted to silence me. Now, seated in the presidential palace alongside Vaclav Havel, the U.S. President, and representatives from seventeen other nations, as we prepared to sign the charter, I felt a profound sense of pride and a weighty responsibility. Little did I know that the road ahead would be even more perilous than I could have ever imagined. In November 2007, I was honored to receive the Annie Taylor Award for my courageous and unwavering commitment to fighting against ideological dictatorships. The award recognized my dedication to overcoming challenging odds in pursuit of freedom and democracy, as it appears on the award “Daring The Odds.”31

1. The Iranian Green Revolution

In June 2009, the Iranian Green Movement, also known as the Persian Awakening, emerged in response to the manipulation of the presidential election results, which had been marred by irregularities from the beginning. This movement persisted until January 2010, with millions of protesters taking to the streets all over the country. Neda Agha-Soltan, a twenty-six-year-old philosophy student of striking beauty, tragically lost her life when she was shot in the chest during the Green Revolution. The harrowing final moments of her life were recorded and quickly circulated worldwide through various media channels and social media platforms, transforming Neda into an iconic symbol of the movement and his photo was listed by Time magazine as one of the most influential images of all time.32 Arash Hejazi, the last person who attempted to save her, courageously rushed to her aid. However, the profuse bleeding from her nose, mouth, eyes, and chest left no room for hope. During this tumultuous time, I remained in contact with Neda's grieving mother, and in the months that followed, Neda's fiancé became my guest in Washington, D.C. It felt as though all the forces were converging to help our nation finally emerge from the profound darkness that had engulfed us for centuries.

It's worth noting that, although Neda and millions of protesters did not participate in the regime's election process and had no faith in it, the reformist factions, which were actually aligned with the government and aimed to preserve the status quo, managed to exert significant influence on the movement. They used their control over the media to push their ideology through the chants of the protesters, such as: “Allah-o-Akbar” and “Ya Hussein, Mir Hussein!” This period also exposed a certain degree of confusion regarding the role of ideology and religion in politics which indicated that there was still work to be done in ensuring that the entire nation understood that our revolution should be a movement free from ideological constraints, focused solely on securing the constitutional rights of the people.

Amir Fakhravar and Dr. Kenneth Katzman (CRS) – The Fifth Iran Democratic Transition Conference – United States Congress, May 2018

Source: Sanaz Alast

During this critical period, we made the decision to initiate the final phase of drafting the new Constitution for a future Iran. It was an intimidating task to even contemplate, let alone attempt to create a proposed document that could serve as the Constitution for a nation of over 100 million people with thousands of years of ancient history. Nonetheless, our efforts gained recognition and support, even capturing the attention of the United States Congress. The Congressional Research Service (CRS) has consistently acknowledged the National Iranian Congress's endeavors in drafting a new constitution for a future Iran in its annual reports since 2006 by Dr. Kenneth Katzman. In July 2021, CRS stated: 

[EXT]Student dissident groups composed of well-educated, generally pro-Westernized urban youth have been the backbone of the Iranian opposition. . . . The student group that led the 1999 riots . . . the Confederation of Iranian Students (CIS), led by U.S.-based Amir Abbas Fakhravar, believes in regime replacement and in 2013 formed a “National Iranian Congress” that has drafted a U.S.-style, secular constitution for a future republic of Iran. Cofounder Arzhang Davoodi has been in prison since 2002. A 2014 death sentence has not been implemented to date. Some of these dissidents have used news channels on the Telegram messaging network, one of which was called Amad-News, to agitate against the regime. In October 2019, the founder of Amad-News, Ruhollah Zam, was lured from his base in France to Najaf, Iraq, where he was captured by the IRGC-QF and brought to Iran. He has been sentenced to death.33 [end EXT]

The Green Movement served as undeniable proof of everything I had been trying to convey in Washington, D.C., about Iran’s new generation and their unwavering pursuit of freedom and democracy. It provided me with extraordinary influence, enabling my team to knock on the doors of policymakers and urge them to take action against the Mullahs’ Regime in support of Iranian people. I received an invitation from Professor Michael Waller to join The Institute of World Politics (IWP) in Washington, D.C., as a Research Fellow and Visiting Lecturer.34 I vividly recall a significant moment in the spring of 2010 when Dr. John Lenczowski, the founder and president of IWP and a former Director of European and Soviet Affairs at the National Security Council, handed me a copy of "The Federalist Papers" upon learning about my work on drafting a new Constitution for future Iran. It marked the official commencement of my Constitution-drafting efforts after a decade of dedicated research in constitutional law.

1. The Historical Journey to Israel: Breaking the Taboo

In January and February 2012, during a groundbreaking visit to Israel, I seized the opportunity to engage with several esteemed Israeli cabinet members and high-ranking officials to deliberate on the future of Iran. My presence as a keynote speaker in an event at the Israeli Parliament, the Knesset,35 and my participation in a prestigious panel discussion chaired by Israeli Army General Yossi Kuperwasser, Director General of the Ministry of Strategic Affairs at the Herzliya Conference,36 alongside former CIA director James Woolsey, were highlights of this trip.

However, what garnered substantial global media attention was my meeting with Tzipi Livni,37 the former Israeli Foreign Minister and leader of the opposition party in the Knesset.

UPDATE AS OF NOV 8: USE THE GETTY SUB that's in the sroom, instead of this version that has no permission.

Set this CL: © Jack Guez/AFP/Getty Images

Tzipi Livni, former Foreign Minister of Israel and Amir Fakhravar in Tel-Aviv, January 2012.

Throughout this historic journey, my overarching message was to emphasize Iran's second Constitutional Revolution, which is being driven by the new generation. This movement not only presents a practical solution to address Iran's challenges but also offers a pathway to resolving Israel's concerns. It emphasizes empowering the people rather than resorting to war as the sole means of bringing about change in Iran.

Following my speech at the Israeli parliament event, they screened a documentary titled White Torture, which portrayed the harrowing details of my imprisonment in Iran. During my time in Iran's various detention facilities, including the notorious IRGC’s "Section 59" in Eshrat-Abad Prison, "Section 325" in Evin Prison, and the Ministry of Intelligence's "Section 209" in Evin Prison, I endured a brutal form of psychological and physical torture that has been internationally recognized as "white torture" by human rights organizations.

Amnesty International, in February 2004, issued a statement that marked a significant moment in documenting this form of torture in Iran, beginning with: 

[EXT]Iran: Amir Abbas Fakhravar, freelance journalist and prisoner of conscience—This is the first time that Amnesty International has documented evidence of the practice of “white torture” in Iran. Amir Abbas Fakhravar has been in prison for over a year. In January 2004, he was taken from Qasr prison to a detention centre [in Evin Prison] called 325 to be interrogated about his alleged links with a political organization called Iranian Freedom Movement, which opposes the Iranian government. The centre is under the control of the Revolutionary Guards.38 [end EXT]

Interestingly, several years later, one of the Islamist-leftist political activists, Narges Mohammadi, chose to use the title White Torture for her book while in prison. This work eventually earned her the Nobel Peace Prize in 2023. However, it is important to acknowledge that the harrowing descriptions of torture detailed in her book were based on my own experiences during my confinement in Evin Prison and IRGC's solitary confinement nearly two decades earlier. It's worth noting that my name was conspicuously omitted, possibly reflecting a broader campaign by leftist and mainstream media outlets to downplay or ignore individuals who did not align with their particular ideological spectrum. In May 2012, I, along with some distinguished members of the National Iranian Congress (NIC) leadership, including Dr. Nahid Kalhori, Saman Sanatnama, and Mohammad Schams, continued our campaign advocating for Iran Oil Sanctions and supporting the Second Constitutional Revolution. We took our message to the European Parliament, the Parliament of Finland, and the Bundestag, which is the Parliament of Germany.

Beginning in December 2013, I had the honor of being invited by one of the finest Criminal Justice professors and legal scholars, Dr. Sanaz Alasti, to start teaching courses on Political Crimes and Comparative Constitutional Law at Texas State University. Shortly thereafter, we got married, and this journey continued for the next decade, during which we welcomed our wonderful daughter, Princess Matissa, into our family.

1. Proposed Draft Constitution for Iran and Comrade Ayatollah

Following the conclusion of The Green Movement in Iran, our team embarked on a series of vital discussions under the banner of the "Iran Democratic Transition Conference (IDTC)." These conferences were hosted at prominent venues such as the United States Congress, George Washington University, and The Institute of World Politics. A significant milestone was reached on May 17, 2017, during our fourth conference, where we unveiled our proposed draft Constitution for Iran. This marked a pivotal moment in our efforts to shape the future of the country.39

On February 19, 2018, I had the privilege of attending a private gathering in support of a new Republican candidate running for the House of Representatives from Houston, Texas. The event was hosted by Joanne Herring, a remarkable woman I had always wanted to meet. Joanne's influence was famously depicted by Julia Roberts in the movie "Charlie Wilson's War," which chronicled the anti-Soviet war in Afghanistan and became one of the most successful films in the modern political history genre. Joanne Herring, who played a significant role in Rep. Charlie Wilson's congressional achievements, had decided to support Dan Crenshaw, a young Navy SEAL who had lost his right eye to an improvised explosive device (IED). Surprisingly, Crenshaw emerged victorious in the 2018 midterm election, succeeding the seat once held by Charlie Wilson. Rep. Dan Crenshaw went on to become a staunch supporter of the National Iranian Congress's (NIC) proposed draft constitution for a future Iran. During his meeting with President Trump at the White House shortly after NIC's fifth conference on Capitol Hill, he passionately advocated for supporting the Constitutional Revolution led by young Iranians as a viable third option, distinct from both war and negotiation with the terrorist Mullahs.

Congressman Dan Crenshaw and Amir Fakhravar – The Fifth Iran Democratic Transion Conference – United States Congress, May 2018

Source: Sanaz Alast

On March 6, 2017, I met another one of my heroes, Former Prime Minister of Ukraine, Yulia Tymoshenko, often referred during my student activities in Iran as the Queen of the Ukrainian Orange Revolution. During our series of meetings, the topic of the necessity for drafting new constitutions for both Iran and Ukraine arose frequently. It felt like a dream come true in my life.

Former Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenco and Amir Fakhravar – Washington D.C. – May 2017

Source: Sanaz Alast

Simultaneously, in 2016, my book, Comrade Ayatollah, was published which created a pivotal moment for educating the new generation about the true history of the ideological regime of the Mullahs in Iran, as well as leftist revolutions in the Middle East and around the world supported by Soviet Russia.40 Erik Prince, a close friend of mine and the founder of BlackWater,41 an organization that assisted Iraq's military and police during the nation-building process after the war, came up with the title for my book during our trip to New York.

The book received widespread attention, with millions of copies distributed and sold in the underground market inside Iran. Possessing this book became a serious political crime in Iran, but the demand for it remained high. My friend and colleague at the Senate leadership of the National Iranian Congress, Ruhollah Zam, approached me with a request to publish excerpts from Comrade Ayatollah on his newly launched news website called “Amad News.” This news channel, along with its social media campaigns, garnered significant attention and became a prominent source of news for Iranians.

1. Day 96 Uprising, End of JCPOA, and Oil Sanctions

In December 2017, just months after introducing the draft constitution, the National Iranian Congress mobilized the new generation through social media platforms, especially Amad-News, urging them to rise up against Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.42 Protests erupted in more than a hundred cities, starting in Tehran and Mashhad, with a majority of young girls and boys participating.43 Remarkably, they refrained from chanting any ideological or religious slogans. Instead, their focus was solely on asserting their natural rights and dreaming of a free and democratic country. The regime responded with a brutal crackdown, arresting tens of thousands of protesters and ruthlessly killing hundreds in the streets. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) deployed all its forces to suppress the protesters.

During this pivotal moment, I had the privilege of being a guest on Sean Hannity's prime-time show on Fox News, where I officially labeled the uprising as “the Constitutional Revolution of Iran,” the second one.44 President Trump, who was watching the show, made significant changes to his administration shortly afterward. John Bolton was appointed as the National Security Advisor, while Mike Pompeo became the Secretary of State. With confidence, President Trump withdrew from the JCPOA, commonly known as the Iran Nuclear Deal,45 and imposed the harshest sanctions on Iran's oil sector,46 ultimately crippling the regime's economy to the point of near bankruptcy. It was truly remarkable how the movement of young Iranians had such a profound impact on Washington, D.C.

Even some members of the armed forces, who had remained loyal to the Islamic regime, found it increasingly difficult to suppress the people's uprising, particularly because their own children were among the protesters. In a surprising turn of events, Mosa Ghazanfar-Abadi, the head of the Islamic Revolutionary Court in Tehran and a high-ranking religious cleric appointed by the Supreme Leader, made a statement in March 2019.47 He acknowledged that if they couldn't gather enough domestic support to quell the protesters and save the Islamic Republic, they would consider seeking assistance from foreign militias, including Iraq's Hashd-al-Shaabi,48 Yemen's Houthi rebels,49 Afghanistan's Fatemiyoun,50 and Pakistan's Zeinabiyoun.51

These groups are widely designated as terrorist organizations, and the Islamic government officials essentially signaled their willingness to employ foreign terrorist organizations to suppress their own people. On August 14, 2019, Ruhollah Zam, a political asylum seeker residing in France, tragically experienced a harrowing ordeal when he was abducted by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) during his trip to Iraq and forcibly transported to Iran. There, he endured a series of horrific abuses, including brutal torture, prolonged periods of solitary confinement, intense interrogations, and even coerced televised confessions, all spanning a full year. Ultimately, his life was unjustly and prematurely ended through execution, at the behest of Judge Salavati of the revolutionary court. Zam’s affiliation with the National Iranian Congress and his close friendship and alliance with Amir Fakhravar especially during the latest uprising, were cited prominently in his official indictment. These affiliations played a central role in the court's decision to impose the grave charge of execution upon him.52 This extreme approach demonstrated the lengths to which an ideology-driven government can go to maintain its grip on power, which exactly happened in November 2019.

1. Aban 98, Bloody Crackdown by Mullahs and the Killing of Qassem Soleimani

In October 2019, I received an invitation from the Henry Jackson Society to speak at an event in the UK Parliament titled "An Iranian Constitutional Revolution and the Potential Futures of Iran." Following my speech, during an exclusive interview on one of the most popular TV shows in the Iranian media in London,53 I elaborated on the future possibilities that a well-structured Constitution could offer to Iran. A few days after this interview, the next phase of the constitutional revolution began as gasoline prices sharply increased, sparking protests in over 200 cities where demonstrators voiced their opposition to the religious dictatorship.54 During this critical time, the Iranian regime, as they had previously promised, utilized foreign terrorist groups to suppress the young protesters. Within a mere forty-eight hours, upon the official order from the Supreme Leader and with the direct involvement of Qassem Soleimani, the head of the IRGC Quds Force, these terrorist groups brutally killed more than 1,500 protesters.55 Subsequently, Khamenei appeared on national television, flanked by the IRGC, Basij, and various foreign terrorist organizations, to express his gratitude and declare, "We won the war; we defeated the enemy."56 By "enemy," he referred to the people of Iran, particularly the courageous and beautiful young individuals who had taken to the streets without any weapons, merely seeking a free and democratic country.

Mehrdad MoeinFar, a devoted member of NIC who had been following me on Instagram for years, was one of the early participants in the protests. He boldly burned Khomeini's religious ring in the main square of their town, Shahriyar, and proclaimed on camera, "Rohullah Khomeini burned in fire." Tragically, Mehrdad was shot dead shortly afterward, bravely fighting against the oppressors. He shared a portion of my interview following the UK Parliament speech on his Instagram page and echoed the message I've been conveying to these young heroes for years. His final Instagram post stated, 

[EXT]We, the people of Iran, after decades have finally realized that the main causes of all our problems are the inclusion of two factors in the constitution that have crippled its effectiveness: official religion and absolute power. These factors have caused deficiencies in both the 1906 constitution and the Islamic Republic's constitution. As a result, everyone, including fourteen political activists, is eager to fundamentally change the constitution and implement a modern and  democratic one!57 [end EXT]

UPDATE AS OF NOV 15:

STILL DON'T HAVE THE RELEASE FOR THE RIGHT-SIDE TEXTUAL PART. I'LL MAKE NOTE TO REACH OUT ON WED, NOV 22 WITH FINAL VERDICT ON THIS (SO AS NOT TO HOLD UP PAGING). -sHERI

UPDATE ON NOVEMBER 6:

REPLACE THE PHOTO/SCREENSHOT COMBO THAT WAS IN THE QUOTING MSP FOR CH 9 WITH TWO IMAGES. See separate files in sroom for these two images.

1. Set on the left, the family photo of 3 people. Set this caption: Mehrdad MoeinFar with his mother and sister

Set this CL: © Mahmoud MoeinFar

2. Set on the right (with a space between it and the photo), the instagram post. Set the caption as seen on this page.

Set this CL: Source: Mahmoud MoeinFar

The last Instagram post of Mehrdad MoeinFar prior to his tragic death by IRGC on November 16, 2019

Then, he included hashtags in his post, such as #Constitutional_Revolution, #National_Iranian_Congress, #Amir_Fakhravar, and #Comrade_Ayatollah. The new generation had not only embraced their history through Comrade Ayatollah but had also discovered hope for a brighter future through the draft Constitution. This rejuvenation of the revolution provided our young heroes with a powerful motivation to continue fighting and making sacrifices for a free and democratic Iran. Following Mehrdad's courageous actions, his mother, Iran Allah-Yari, and his beautiful sister, Marian Moein-far, took on the responsibility of rallying other families who had tragically lost their loved ones due to the brutality of the Islamic Regime. Yes, this is indeed a revolution, the Constitutional Revolution. I stand here as a witness, oceans away, tears streaming down my face unceasingly.

On January 3, 2020, less than two months after the brutal crackdown on protesters orchestrated by Qassem Soleimani, he was killed on the orders of President Trump at Baghdad Airport in Iraq.58 The regime immediately attempted to spend hundreds of millions of dollars to elevate him as the greatest martyr of all time, fueling leftist-Islamist ideological propaganda against America and the West. It was during a live YouTube show of mine that I stumbled upon news videos depicting the aftermath of his killing and the condition of his body parts.59 This unsettling sight gave birth to the hashtag #Qassem_Cutlet, which quickly gained traction both nationally and internationally. The people of Iran, as well as citizens from other Middle Eastern nations like Iraq, Yemen, and Syria, collectively breathed a sigh of relief and viewed his demise as retribution for the decades of brutality inflicted by Soleimani and the IRGC.

Even the National Iranian Congress created a new national holiday called "Cutlet-Mazgan" in our proposed calendar for future Iran, with its unique tradition of encouraging all Iranian families to prepare cutlets on this day, which once again became a national trend.60 In January 2023, a celebrity chef posted a recipe for Persian cutlets on his social media without any mention of Soleimani, and he was promptly arrested by the IRGC. His Instagram page, boasting 2.7 million followers, was taken down.61

1. FBI's Ongoing Efforts to Protect Fakhravar from IRGC Assassination Attempts

After successfully mobilizing the December 2017–January 2018 protests alongside Ruhollah Zam, both of us became targets for silencing. Regrettably, in October 2019, the regime managed to execute their plan and kidnap Zam. Since the killing of Soleimani in January 2020, I have emerged as the primary target for assassination by the Islamic Regime, even within the United States. However, being a target of the Islamic regime is not a new experience for me and my family.62 Over the past two decades, including the times I spent in prison, I have been the subject of a smear campaign by the Islamic Regime of Iran aimed at tarnishing my reputation and destroying my credibility. However, this recent escalation signifies an attempt to silence me through a terror plot. The regime has consistently applied immense pressure on my family, going to great lengths such as arresting my mother and sisters, Sayeh and Setareh, in Iran. My brother, Amir-Hossein, my sister, Farokhlagha, and her three kids Sara, Sahar, and Nima, have endured relentless interrogations for years. My older sister, Mahlagha, along with her daughter, Mahsa, were compelled to seek exile. Additionally, the Intelligence Ministry kidnapped my nineteen-year-old brother in Paris in 2011,63 forcibly returning him to Evin Prison in Tehran where he was tortured to make false statements about me on Iran's national TV.64

However, after the 2018 uprising, as discussions about rejecting the Islamic regime's Constitution resonated with the new generation and empowered us to mobilize protests via social media, tarnishing the regime and its IRGC, I have become the main target that needs to be silenced to regain control. Since the killing of Soleimani by the order of President Trump, which took place months after I met the President at his Mar-a-Lago residence and presented him with the draft Constitution for future Iran, I have been pushed into the crosshairs of the regime authorities, making me a target for assassination. I am currently under the twenty-four-hour protection of the FBI, who have thwarted several assassination attempts by regime agents.65 The most recent attempt involved Shahram Pour-Safi, an IRGC officer, who had enlisted professionals to assassinate me, along with Mike Pompeo, the Secretary of State, and John Bolton, the National Security Advisor during President Trump's administration.66 On August 10, 2022, the FBI issued a Red Notice for Pour-Safi related to this terror plot.67 In June 2023, the U.S. Department of the Treasury released a statement related to this terror plot and sanctioned them.68

1. The Journey of Life: Our Unending Quest for Freedom and Democracy

I am just one of millions of Iranians who are actively involved in this Constitutional Revolution. Each of us plays a unique role on the path to achieving freedom and democracy for our country. My story is just one among millions, and it mirrors the experiences of countless others who are dedicating their lives, families, and everything they have to realize a future where our nation can be built upon a constitution that guarantees freedom and democracy. This endeavor is a collective, nationwide effort. Drawing from the lessons learned through the experiences of various nations, both democratic and dictatorial, which I have personally witnessed, I have tirelessly sought to comprehend the essence of a well-crafted constitution. I have pondered over the essential elements that should be enshrined within a constitution and those that should be excluded. The conclusion, as you will discover throughout this book, is not overly complex to comprehend. Today, I stand before you with "The Spirit of the Constitutional Law" as the manifesto for The Second Constitutional Revolution in Iran, an Ideology-Free Revolution led by Generation Z.

شکستن تابوی ارتباط آشکار آپوزیسیون ایرانی با دولت آمریکا در سال ۲۰۰۶ و شکستن تابوی برقراری ارتباط آشکار آپوزیسیون با دولت اسراییل در سال ۲۰۱۲، برپایی سلسله کنفرانس های گذاز به دمرکراسی در ایران در فاصله سالهای ۲۰۱۰ تا ۲۰۲۶ و تشکیل شورای ملی ایران و سپس تاسیس کنگره ملی ایرانیان در کنار روح الله زم و ارژیگ داوودی و بسیاری از مبارزان خوشنام از نخستین اقدامات فخرآور در سالهای حضورش در آمریکا بود. نگارش کتاب رفیق آیت الله توسط امیر عباس فخرآور، موج اعتراضات نسل جدید ایرانیان را برانگیخت که از آبانماه ۹۵، تا دی ۹۶ و سپس تا آبانماه ۹۸ امتداد یافت و ریشه مبارزات ایرانیان علیه ایدئولوژی اشغالگر اسلامی در ایران شد. کتاب روح قانون اساسی که بعنوان کتاب مرجع در حقوق اساسی در دانشگاه ایالتی تگزاس تدریس می شود، توسط امیر عباس فخرآور با همکاری همسرش دکتر ساناز الستی نوشته شد. فخرآور روابط بسیار نزدیکی با دولت ترامپ و همجنین دولت نتانیاهو در اسراییل ایجاد کرد که با همین ارتباطات در تشویق آمریکا و اسراییل برای حمله به رژیم ملایان در ایران و کشتن خامنه ای و سرداران سپاه نقش پررنگی داشت.  کمپین تحریم نفت ایران که شاهرگ حیاتی رژیم را قطع کرد و کمپین پاکسازی صدای آمریکا از مزدوران رژیم از دیگر اقدامات وی بوده است. همچنین پیشنهاد تغییر گاهشمار ایران از ۱۴۰۰ ساله اسلامی به ۲۷۰۰ ساله ایرانی و تدوین پیشنویس پیشنهادی قانون اساسی برای ایران آینده از دیگر دست آوردهای بزرگ فخرآور است که عنوان توماس جفرسون ایرانی را برای وی به ارمغان آورد.